Brownfeld: Do Blacks share responsibility for America’s racist society?

Brownfeld: Do Blacks share responsibility for America’s racist society?

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Ferguson rioters
Ferguson rioters

WASHINGTON, August 17, 2014 – The killing of 18-year-old Michael Brown by a police officer in Ferguson, Missouri has led to days of demonstrations and rioting and looting.  Governor Nixon has called for a midnight to 5:00 am curfew and declared an emergency.

There has been criticism of the overwhelming police response, as well as charges that racism was involved in the death of this teenager. Beyond this, many have proclaimed that this incident shows us that America is a “racist” society, and that talk of racial progress and a movement toward a genuinely “color blind” society is false.

Exactly what happened in Ferguson will be determined by a thorough investigation, including participation by the FBI and the Department of Justice.  If there was wrongdoing by the police officer involved, this will be documented and appropriate action will be taken.  In the meantime, we can only withhold judgment on what actually occurred.

What we can properly lament, however, is the manner in which a chorus of voices is immediately heard after every negative event telling us that racism is alive and well in almost every sector of our society.

The reality is far more complex.

Typical of this phenomenon is a column in The New York Times by Charles Blow.

“The criminalization of black and brown bodies, particularly male ones, from the moment they are first introduced to the institutions and power structures with which they must interact…Black male dropout rates are more than one and a half times those of white males, the bias of the educational system bleeds easily into the bias of the criminal justice system, from cops to courts to correctional facilities.  The school-to-prison pipeline is complete.”

Earlier this year, the Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights released “the first comprehensive look at civil rights from every public school in the country in nearly 15 years.”

Attorney General Eric Holder said:

“The critical report shows that racial disparities in school discipline policies are not only well documented among older students but actually begin during pre-school.”

The fact that more young black men drop out of school, that they are over-represented in our criminal justice system and that they are more often subjected to school discipline is not necessarily an indication of “institutional racism” in our society, as Mr. Blow and so many others rush to proclaim.

There are other, much more plausible explanations.

By 2004 federal data showed that black Americans, 13 per cent of the population, accounted for 37 per cent of the violent crimes, 54 per cent of arrests for robbery, and 51 per cent for murder.  Most of the victims of these violent criminals were also black.  If black men are over-represented in our prison population, the reason appears to be that they are guilty of committing an over-represented amount of crime.

Commentator Juan Williams, writes:

“Any mention of black America’s responsibility for committing the crimes, big and small, that lead so many people to prison is barely mumbled, if mentioned at all.”

In a column titled “Our Selective Outrage,” the Washington Post’s Eugene Robinson, writes,

“The killing of 18-year-old Michael Brown has rightly provoked widespread outrage, drawing international media attention and prompting a comment from President Obama. The same should be true, but tragically is not, of the killing of 3-year-old Knijah Amore Bibb.  Brown was killed in Ferguson, Mo; Knijah died the following day in Landover, Md.  Both victims were African American.  Both had their whole lives before them.  The salient difference is that Brown was shot to death by a white police officer, according to witnesses, while the fugitive suspect in Bibb’s killing is a 25-year-old black man with a long criminal record.”

Robinson points to statistics showing the dimensions of the problem.  According to the FBI, in 2012, the last year for which figures are available, white offenders killed 2,614 whites and black offenders, similar numbers, killed 2,412 blacks.

“But,” writes Robinson, “the non-Hispanic white population is almost five times as large as the African American population, meaning the homicide rate in black communities is staggeringly higher…We need to get angry before we have to mourn the next Knijah Bibb.”

If it is not “white racism” which causes black-on-black crime, and it may be something other than racism that causes disciplinary disparities and the number of school dropouts, the breakdown of the black family is a more likely cause for such disparities.
In 1940, the black rate of out-of-wedlock birth was around 14 per cent.  Now, it’s 75 per cent.

In 1870, right after slavery, 70 to 80 per cent of black families were intact.  Today, after segregation came to an end and the enactment of legislation making racial discrimination illegal, and myriad affirmative action programs, 70 per cent of black children have single mothers and estimates are that an even larger percentage will grow up without a father in the home.
Blaming the problems we confront on “racism” misses the point of the real dilemmas we face. Attorney General Holder does black Americans no favor by ignoring the disintegration of the black family in explaining disparities in school dropouts and disciplinary problems.  White racism is not, somehow, compelling out-of-wedlock birth in the black community, a far more plausible causative factor in statistical disparities than blaming an amorphous “institutional racism.”
What was missing in the response to developments in Missouri, which included rioting and arson, and cries of “No Justice, No Peace,” was “the calming voice of a national civil rights leader of the kind that was so impressive during the 1950s and ’60s,” writes author Joseph Epstein.

 “In those days, there were Martin Luther King, Jr. of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, Roy Wilkins of the NAACP, Whitney Young of the National Urban League, Bayard Rustin of the A. Philip Randolph Institute—all solid, serious men, each impressive in different ways, who through dignified forbearance and strategic action, brought down a body of unequivocally immoral laws aimed at America’s black population.”

The NAACP, the Urban League and the SCLC still exist, notes Epstein,

“Yet few people are likely to know the names of their leaders.  That is because no black leader has come forth to set out a program for progress for the substantial part of the black population that has remained for generations in the slough of poverty, crime and despair…In Chicago, where I live, much of the murder and crime that has captured the interest of the media is black-on-black and cannot be chalked up to racism.

Except when Bill Cosby, Thomas Sowell or Shelby Steele and a few others have dared to speak about the pathologies at work, and for doing so these black figures are castigated.”

Soon enough, exactly what happened in Ferguson, Missouri will become clear and the matter will be resolved through our legal system.  It will take a much longer time before our society begins to confront the real causes of the racial disparities and pathologies which are all too easily, and falsely, attributed to “white racism.”

Until we do, the sad story of Ferguson is likely to happen again and again.


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Allan C. Brownfeld
Received B.A. from the College of William and Mary, J.D. from the Marshall-Wythe School of Law of the College of William and Mary, and M.A. from the University of Maryland. Served as a member of the faculties of St. Stephen's Episcopal School, Alexandria, Virginia and the University College of the University of Maryland. The recipient of a Wall Street Journal Foundation Award, he has written for such newspapers as The Houston Press, The Washington Evening Star, The Richmond Times Dispatch, and The Cincinnati Enquirer. His column appeared for many years in Roll Call, the newspaper of Capitol Hill. His articles have appeared in The Yale Review, The Texas Quarterly, Orbis, Modern Age, The Michigan Quarterly, The Commonweal and The Christian Century. His essays have been reprinted in a number of text books for university courses in Government and Politics. For many years, his column appeared several times a week in papers such as The Washington Times, The Phoenix Gazette and the Orange County Register. He served as a member of the staff of the U.S. Senate Internal Security Subcommittee, as Assistant to the research director of the House Republican Conference and as a consultant to members of the U.S. Congress and to the Vice President. He is the author of five books and currently serves as Contributing Editor of The St. Croix Review, Associate Editor of The Lincoln Review and editor of Issues.